Davis v Russell & Capper: A Woman Sues the Police and Magistrates for False Imprisonment, 1828-9

This is a story about two women living in Cheltenham in the late 1820s, who had very different experiences at the hands of the local police and magistrates when they were accused of theft. One woman was Ann Hammerton, a milliner and dress-maker, in her late twenties, attractive, charming and eloquent. The other was Mary Davis, middle-aged, never married, a former housekeeper to Sir Arthur and Lady Faulkner, and in receipt of a small annuity from a nephew.

The two women had become acquainted and although Mary Davis was supposedly less well off than Ann Hammerton, she had loaned some money to the younger woman. Hammerton had not been able to pay her back and in October 1827 she invited Davis to come and live with her at her home in Albion Street, rent free, as a means of repaying the debt. The women shared a bedroom and the kitchen and parlour. There were two other lodgers living in the house.

Mary Davis received an annuity of £20, which was paid to her in two parts. On 15 November 1827, she received a letter from her nephew, who lived in Wales, containing a part payment in the form of a £10 Bank of England note. The following evening, the two women took tea together in the kitchen and chatted for some time, until eventually Hammerton went upstairs to their bedroom. Soon afterwards she called out that they had been robbed. In the bedroom, a pillow was hanging out of the window and other bedding was lying in the back yard. Mary Davis found that her trunk, contained the ten pound note and most of her clothes, was missing. Ann Hammerton said she had lost items too.

Another lodger returned to the house with her brother just after the robbery was discovered. The brother went outside and although the ground was wet, he could find no traces of anyone having been in the yard. It was a strong possibility that this may have been an inside job, disguised to look like a break-in. The police were fetched, but there was no clear evidence as to who was responsible.

Although several people had been suspected of the theft, including another lodger, a tailor, who had given up his rooms shortly after the incident, Mary Davis had not considered that Ann Hammerton might have been involved, until one day by chance she found some of her missing items amongst Hammerton’s belongings. After this discovery, Davis left the house in Albion Street and went to lodge elsewhere. She did not inform the police of her suspicions immediately, perhaps preferring to end her friendship with Hammerton and not get the authorities involved.

Not long after moving into her new lodgings, a parcel was delivered to her which contained some of her stolen items. An anonymous note came in the parcel, urging her to search the houses of certain people and to visit a ‘cunning man’ to help her identify the thieves. Davis did visit such a man twice. On her first visit, he told her that two women were behind the theft, and the description of one of them was very like Ann Hammerton. On the second visit, he told Davis that it was unlikely that she would ever recover her missing money.

On 5 January 1828, Mary Davis went to the Cheltenham Police Office and made a complaint against Ann Hammerton. On the following day, Hammerton was brought before the Cheltenham magistrate Robert Capper. He ordered her to return three days later, after more inquiries had been made. He did not remand her in custody during the time between the appearances. When Ann Hammerton returned to the police court on 8 January, Capper released her without charge.

A few weeks after Hammerton was released, she went to the police office and spoke to George Russell, who was the High Constable of Cheltenham and the chief of the town’s police. She had with her a letter, which was addressed to Mary Davis and had been sent to Hammerton’s house. She said she had ‘peeped’ into the letter and its contents made her suspect that Davis herself was involved in the robbery. The letter, which was badly written and poorly spelt, made some vague references to the robbery and was signed ‘Obadiah’. On the grounds that this letter was from an accomplice, Russell went to Davis’s new lodgings, at about 11 o’clock at night on the 28 January, and took her into custody. She was walked to the Cheltenham police lock-up, where she was kept overnight.

On the next day, Mary Davis appeared before the magistrate Robert Capper. He asked her who had written the letter and she replied that she had no idea as she had never seen it. She also said she didn’t know who ‘Obadiah’ might be. Capper said she would be sent to Northleach House of Correction for fifteen days, for further examination. At the end of that time, she had to wait another three days in prison until Mr Capper, as the magistrate who had committed her, was present on the bench. He then told her that no further evidence had been found against her and she was free to go.

Photo of Northleach Prison by Eirian Evans, 2019, licensed for reuse under Creative Commons Licence.

At this point, Davis tried to present fresh charges against Hammerton, but Capper refused to hear them. However, the matter was sent to counsel for consideration and it was determined that there was a case to answer against Hammerton. On 17 March 1828, the Cheltenham Journal reported that Ann Hammerton had been bailed to appear at the next Assizes to answer any bill of indictment which might be preferred against her by Miss Davis. The report added, ‘The Prosecutrix had lately been in custody on a charge of felony preferred against her by Miss Hammerton – quid pro quo.’ The magistrate Ann Hammerton appeared before was – who else – Robert Capper.

Ann Hammerton was tried at the Gloucestershire Spring Assizes, surrendering to take her trial on 8 April. Being of a somewhat different appearance to the usual prisoners who appeared in the courtroom at Gloucester’s Shire Hall, she excited some interest. The Cheltenham Chronicle (12 April 1828) reported that Hammerton was ‘not handsome, but with quick intelligent dark eyes, a genteel appearance, and being well dressed, her tout ensemble was extremely interesting’. She pleaded Not Guilty to the charges made against her in a firm voice.

The prosecution detailed the events which had led to this point, and contended that the prisoner had kept Davis occupied in the kitchen while an accomplice robbed the house. She was further accused of writing the letter included in the parcel Davis had received, and the letter supposedly from Davis’s ‘accomplice’. She had also written to Davis’s nephew, begging him to state that his aunt was not in her right mind. Another crucial fact in the evidence against her was that after the robbery, Mary Davis had obtained from her nephew the serial number of the bank note he had sent her, so she could alert the banks not to accept it. Hammerton had offered to go round the local banks for Davis to give them notice that the bank note was to be stopped, and after being out for a few hours, she had returned home and said she had completed this task, but it was now known that she had not done as she said.

After hearing all the evidence from the prosecution, Hammerton was invited to speak in her own defence, and she gave a long speech with great confidence. However, the jury did not take long to find her guilty and the judge, Mr Baron Vaughan, said he would sentence her to the maximum punishment allowed for such a crime as this, which was to be transported for seven years. She appeared to receive her sentence with great composure.

On the morning after her trial, the matron took Hammerton’s breakfast into her cell and told her that after she had eaten and dressed, she would be transferred from the gaol to the penitentiary. When the matron went back later, she found that Hammerton was dead, having managed to strangle herself with a silk handkerchief attached to a window bar. An inquest was held and the jury found that Ann Hammerton had been temporarily insane when she took her own life, which meant she could be buried in consecrated ground. She was said to come from a respectable family in Tewkesbury, and her burial took place there on 11 April 1828.

This case had come to a sad end. It seems quite likely that Ann Hammerton, with her eloquence and good looks, might eventually have made a success of her enforced move to Australia, if she had lived. As for Mary Davis, she had been vindicated, but she was not at all happy. She must have been deeply shocked by the death of her former friend, but more than anything, she was finding it difficult to recover from the treatment she had received at the hands of the Cheltenham police and magistrates. In August 1828, two actions were presented in the Civil Court of the Gloucestershire Assizes, in which Mary Davis was the plaintiff.

Davis v Russell et al.

In the first case, Davis (the plaintiff) accused George Russell (the defendant) and other police with false imprisonment. The counsel for the plaintiff, Mr Curwood, said this case was ‘more singular than he had ever met with in his long experience’. Davis was, he said, ‘a female advanced beyond the middle period of life’, and had been housekeeper to Sir Arthur and Lady Faulkner. In that situation she had conducted herself in such a way that Lady Faulkner had an extremely high opinion of her.

Curwood then outlined the details of the case and came to the crucial evidence as far as this action was concerned, which was that Ann Hammerton, after first being accused of committing the crime herself, had written a letter in a feigned name, which imputed that Miss Davis had been guilty of the robbery with an accomplice. When Hammerton took this letter to Mr Russell, he, without a warrant, went to the lodgings of the plaintiff, on a Sunday at about 11pm, and took her away to prison, where he kept her till the next day. Curwood asked for damages to be awarded to Davis for this violation of her liberty.

Miss Mary Ann Hall was called to give evidence. She lived with her father in Malvern Place, Cheltenham, where Miss Davis had taken up lodgings after leaving Ann Hammerton’s place. Between 10 and 11 o’clock at night, the witness and her sister were getting ready for bed when there was a violent knocking on the front door. Miss Davis was already in bed. The door was not opened straight away and somebody outside called out that if it was not opened, it would be broken down. Miss Hall and her sister stayed in their room and from there she heard Miss Davis ask what was the matter and Russell said to her, “Some of your villainy is come out.” Davis asked repeatedly what was the matter but they would not tell her. They took her out of the house to the prison.

Mr Collier, attorney for the plaintiff, said he had been at Ann Hammerton’s trial, before Mr Baron Vaughan. He heard Russell examined as a witness. The judge said to Russell, “I hope you had a warrant for all this you did to Miss Davis”. Russell said he had not, for he thought the end justified the means.

Mr Taunton, counsel for the defendants, said the question was whether the constables had fair and reasonable grounds for suspecting that Miss Davis had been concerned in the robbery. If constables and magistrates were not protected from actions for damages such as this, it would cripple the effect of the laws and impede the administration of justice.

Mr Curwood contended that there was nothing in the information Russell had received which could in any way excuse the proceedings against Miss Davis, without the authority of a warrant; and it was evident the charge had been exhibited against Miss Davis, in order to get rid of the accusation which she had made against Miss Hammerton. He was sure therefore that the jury would award ample damages.

The presiding judge, Mr Justice Gaselee, in summing up, left it to the jury to determine whether there had not been such a reasonable cause on the part of the constable as would justify the course he had pursued, and which was not perfectly in conformity with the law. It was quite manifest that Miss Davis was an innocent person; but still, if the constables acted on fair grounds, they were justified in what they did. Verdict was given for the defendants.

Davis v Capper et al.

In the second case, heard the next day, Robert Capper, magistrate of Cheltenham, was the chief subject of Mary Davis’s complaint. The evidence of the previous case was largely repeated, but concentrated this time on Capper’s actions after Ann Hammerton accused Davis of being the thief. When Davis appeared before the magistrate on 29 January, he had asked her about the letter Hammerton had produced and wanted her to identify the author of it. When she could not give him a satisfactory answer, Capper committed her to Northleach for 15 days, “for further examination” and said she might remember who had written the letter in that time.

William Newton, the keeper of Northleach House of Correction, said in evidence that Mary Davis had been in the prison under the same conditions as someone committed for a misdemeanour. This meant she was given bread and water, but if she had money, she was free to buy more provisions, and extra coal for the fire. She had, in his opinion, been treated better than other prisoners in the same position as her.

Lady Faulkner, the wife of Sir Arthur Brooke Faulkner, MD, then appeared as a witness. She had previously employed Mary Davis as her housekeeper. She believed Davis was between 40 and 50 years of age. After she came out of prison, she had offered to re-employ her. She believed the experience of being held in prison had caused her suffering and afterwards she appeared distracted in her mind.

Mr Collier (the plaintiff’s attorney) was called and said he attended the police office on 16 February, when Mary Davis was discharged. Mr Capper said there was no evidence against Davis. He also stated that he had committed her for 15 days on the advice of Mr Griffiths, the Magistrate’s clerk, and that he did so in the hope that she would tell who wrote the intercepted letter.

Mr Taunton, appearing for Capper, said that how long a suspect was held for further examination was entirely up to the committing magistrate. He then contradicted this statement somewhat by saying that Capper had acted under the direction of the Magistrates’ Clerk. Mr Curwood, acting again for the plaintiff, argued that a commitment for re-examination for so long as 15 days was ‘illegal on the face of it’.

Mr Justice Gaselee said that on the best consideration he could give the case, this was not an illegal warrant. The Magistrate had power to commit for re-examination, but as the period for which he could do this was undefined, he thought it best to to let the case go to the jury. Unfortunately, after considering the case for the rest of the day and then returning to continue with their considerations the day after, the jury was unable to agree on a verdict. The judge decided there were no grounds to find for the plaintiff and the case was dismissed.

After the verdicts in both of these cases had been given, Sir Arthur Brooke Faulkner, Mary Davis’s former employer, wrote a very long letter to Robert Peel, then the Home Secretary, and had the letter published in the columns of the Cheltenham Chronicle (28 August 1828). Extracts from the letter also were printed in newspapers nationally. Sir Arthur said he had no complaint to make against Mr Russell or Mr Capper personally, but rather he blamed the state of the law, which placed too undefined a power in the hands of the police and the magistrates.

He did, however, express some surprise at the readiness of the police and the magistrates to believe that Mary Davis was the guilty party in the case, saying that her treatment had rested on the evidence of ‘a person who had already been under a charge of the robbery in question’. He highlighted the manner in which ‘poor Davis’s looks were most unceremoniously dealt with; they were taken as a kind of prima facie evidence against her, and certainly age, wrinkles, and silence, arrayed against youth, beauty and persuasion…were fearful odds.’ However, he doubted there was ‘an honester countenance to be met with than that of poor Davis’, who had been ‘good-humoured, well-tempered and rather gay, until her late misfortunes’. It seemed to him that Mary Davis had been regarded as someone who could be treated in the way she had been because she was relatively poor and had been a servant, although she came from a respectable family. However, whatever her situation in life, she was as entitled to equal protection under the law as anyone else.

The collapse of the case against Robert Capper was not the end of the story, because the court of King’s Bench gave permission for Mary Davis to bring her case before the Gloucestershire Assizes again, having ruled that the judge in the first case had misdirected the jury.

Davis v Capper

In September 1829, the case of Davis v Capper was opened again on the civil side of the Gloucestershire Assizes, before Mr Baron Vaughan (the judge who had presided at the trial of Ann Hammerton in April 1828). The case was heard over two days and was reported in both the local and national newspapers. Much of the detail was the same as in the original case, but there was some interesting new information concerning the actions and motives of Robert Capper.

Going back to the original accusation which Mary Davis had made against Ann Hammerton, the plaintiff’s counsel (who again was Mr Curwood), stated that Hammerton had appeared before Mr Capper on 5 January and was told to return three days later. On the evening before she was due to reappear, Hammerton had a private interview with Capper, which lasted about an hour. The next day, when she appeared before him, Capper discharged her, without taking any sureties for her further appearance.

In contrast, Mary Davis, described as ‘a woman advanced in years’, had been taken up on a charge of committing the same felony. At the examination which took place before Robert Capper, no proof was offered of her guilt and the articles which were said to have been stolen by her had not been found in her possession, but her accuser had produced a letter addressed to Davis, which she said she had intercepted. On the evidence of this letter, Davis was committed to Northleach House of Correction for 15 days, for further examination. At the end of that time, she had to wait for another three days in gaol, until Mr Capper was available to take his place on the magistrates’ bench. It was suggested that ‘Mr Capper, in the discharge of his duty, let go the young and handsome Miss Hammerton, who was afterwards convicted on the very evidence he rejected, and he committed the old, the helpless, and the innocent Miss Davis, to compel her to give evidence against herself.’

Speaking of the former civil case brought against Capper, Mr Curwood said that it had been agreed then that if the defendant had assumed to himself an excessive jurisdiction, he was liable for the consequences. He would state with confidence, that Mr Capper was not authorized to commit for such a length of time; if he acted illegally, whether or not he acted bona fide [in good faith], he was answerable for the trespass. He then proceeded to remark on the circumstance of the defendant, as it was alleged, having committed the plaintiff to prison, with a view to extort from her a confession – a proceeding which, he contended, was ‘contrary to every principle of British jurisprudence’.

Mr Collier, Mary Davis’s attorney, was called to give evidence. He stated that he had first attended Mary Davis as her legal representative when she appeared before the magistrates after her period in gaol. He had spoken to Mr Capper before Davis’s appearance that day. Capper had said that after discharging Ann Hammerton on 8 January 1828, the police had been trying to find the ‘conjurer’ Mary Davis had consulted, as his was the only evidence that made Davis suspect Hammerton. (He appeared to have forgotten Davis finding some of her missing items among Hammerton’s belongings.) During his private interview with Miss Hammerton on 7 January, she had told him that Davis kept bad company and was always speaking ill of the parish minister, Mr Francis Close. He had also learnt from making inquiries that Miss Hammerton was a very religious person.

Collier said that after Mary Davis was discharged, he had made a charge against Miss Hammerton and said he had depositions from more witnesses, plus one witness who had come to court now. This witness said she had seen a petticoat which she knew belonged to Davis lying on Ann Hammerton’s sofa. Collier said Miss Hammerton seemed ‘very much confused’ by this statement. Mr Capper said it was a very mysterious business and he would have nothing more to do with it. Collier went to see Mr Capper again on 14 March, but again he refused to interfere.

Cross-examined by the counsel for the defence, Mr Taunton, Collier denied that he had persuaded Mary Davis to pursue this case because she was having difficulty paying for his services and he hoped to recoup his money if his client was awarded damages. Questioned about Mr Capper’s motives concerning Ann Hammerton, Collier said he did not believe that the magistrate had been fascinated by her, but he did think he had acted very partially. A question also was raised concerning whether Mr Capper had told Davis that the period of 15 days had been decided upon because the anonymous letter had said the writer would send another missive in two weeks. Collier said no mention was made of this at the time.

After all the evidence for the prosecution had been heard, Mr Taunton addressed the jury. He said he had the great honour to appear for the defendant, as he knew it was common opinion that ‘a more honourable, a more upright, or a more well-meaning man than Mr Capper did not exist’.

The Jury had heard it stated in the opening speech of his Learned Friend that the defendant had ‘been induced to prostitute himself’ for purposes of partiality, because Ann Hammerton was a fascinating, beautiful young woman, and Mary Davis a poor and wretched old one. He asserted that there was no proof that Capper had acted incautiously or injudiciously, the only question being over the length of the period for which the plaintiff was committed.

Regarding the anonymous letter, Taunton said the jury should not consider it in the light in which it now stood, when information had been obtained as to its being a spurious composition, but they should ascertain the effect that such a production would be likely to make at the time it was used. The magistrates had been induced to believe that the letter had been written by an accomplice of Davis, and she was then charged with theft. Taunton then stated that the letter alluded to another one being written at the end of 14 days, and it was with a view to obtaining a clue as to the writer of that letter that Davis had been committed for the length of time she had been. He believed Capper would be found to have acted with sound discretion.

Regarding Mr Capper’s refusal to look at the new depositions submitted against Ann Hammerton or to take any further action against her, Capper had said that there were some important facts omitted from the depositions and he had asked the clerk and constable how he should proceed.

Mr Baron Vaughan said the question here was whether Mr Capper had exceeded his jurisdiction, for if he had, he was answerable in this action, and that the question would involve two points, which were – was this a commitment not made bona fide, but tainted with some sinister motive, such as the hope of extorting a confession? Or was it, without being made for a corrupt motive, a commitment for an unreasonable time? In either of these cases it would be illegal. A magistrate had the power to commit for further examination, but that could only be for a reasonable time; and upon the question of what was a reasonable time, he would say that must depend upon the circumstances of each particular case. In his judgement, the amount of time for which the plaintiff had been held was unreasonable, unless there had been circumstances to account for it, and those circumstances it would be incumbent on the magistrate to show. In this case, all that was shown was that a woman, Hammerton, made an accusation, unsupported by any corroboration except a letter which never reached the hands of the plaintiff. He left it to the jury to say whether the commitment was made bona fide, or with a sinister motive, and if it was bona fide, whether it was a reasonable length of time. His Lordship gave it as his opinion that this commitment by Mr Capper was illegal.

The jury retired for about an hour, and then returned a written verdict that – ‘We consider that Mr Capper has acted bona fide, and without any impure motives, in the committal of Mary Davis for re-examination. We consider the period of committal unreasonable. We find for the plaintiff – Damages £10.’

The case of Davis against Capper was still not over, however. In November 1829, Capper’s attorney Mr Taunton brought the case before the King’s Bench in London. He complained that the damages awarded to Miss Davis should not stand, because the jury’s verdict had been that the magistrate had acted bona fide. The court stated that it would need time to consider. A week later, it was stated that the judges unanimously agreed that the verdict should stand. ‘A magistrate was not warranted in committing for re-examination for a longer period than was absolutely necessary, and in this case, the time…was outrageous and rendered the proceedings illegal ab initio. The plaintiff consequently had a clear case against the defendant and the Court would not disturb the verdict.’

It appears that this finally brought the matter of Mary Davis versus Robert Capper to a conclusion. It can only be hoped that the lady received her ten pounds promptly and that in time, she was able to recover some of her former good spirits.

Acknowledgement

I first came across this strange tale in the book, Murders & Misdemeanour in Gloucestershire, 1820-29, by Malcolm Hall (Amberley Publishing, 2008). The author concentrated on the trial of Ann Hammerton and the first civil case against George Russell. This led me to undertake further research into the story.

Sources

Newspapers (all accessed on British Newspaper Archive):

Bell’s Weekly Messenger, 6 September 1829

Cheltenham Chronicle, 17 April 1828, 28 Aug 1828, 3 Sep 1829, 12 Nov 1829

Cheltenham Journal, 25 August 1828, 7 September 1829

Law Chronicle, Commercial and Bankruptcy Register, 9 Oct 1828.

London Evening Standard, 2 September 1829

Morning Chronicle, 13 Nov 1829

Other sources (accessed on Ancestry.co.uk):

Gloucester County Prison, Register of Prisoners, 1825-29, entry for Ann Hammerton, 8 April 1828

Tewkesbury Parish Registers, Burials, 11 April 1828

© Jill Evans, 2024

A ‘Suffragette Outrage’ at Cheltenham, 1913

One Sunday in December 1913, at around five o’clock in the morning, a man cycling home after his shift at the gas works noticed smoke and flames coming from the direction of Alstone Lawn, an unoccupied house in extensive grounds on Gloucester Road, Cheltenham. He rode to the fire station to raise the alarm, and two engines and their crews quickly made their way to the house. Once inside the grounds, flames could be seen coming through the middle of the roof, but inside the building it was discovered that the damage was limited to a central staircase that ran from the ground floor to the attic.

The police entered the building after the flames had been extinguished. It was found that entry had been gained through a conservatory window. A trail of footprints of two people, apparently in stockinged feet, were visible from there to the hall and staircase. An empty two-gallon can had been left in the hall and there was a strong smell of paraffin, splashes of which could be seen on the walls of the hall and of adjoining rooms. Literature scattered around the house and grounds made it clear that this was the work of militant members of the movement for women’s suffrage.

Two women were arrested later that morning and appeared at Cheltenham Police Court on Monday, 21 December. The local newspapers reported on the hearing under the headline “SUFFRAGETTE OUTRAGE”. The pair had refused to give their names and addresses to the police, so they were identified in court as “Red” and “Black”, due to the colour of their coats. It was known that they had travelled to Cheltenham from Birmingham, by train. They appeared with their hair loose and with bare legs. It was explained that when their hair had been undone in order to search them, they had refused to have it put back up. Their shoes and stockings had been removed and they wouldn’t put them back on.

The Cheltenham Chronicle reporter took a great interest in the physical appearance of the two prisoners, stating that the hair of the shorter woman (“Black”) looked well-kept and “curled nicely at the ends”. The taller woman (“Red”) was better looking, but her hair was lank and “the free method of wearing it was not so becoming to her.” Both women, the reporter said, “bounced into court and seemed very happy with themselves”.

The police evidence given was that a constable on duty at about 4.30 on Sunday morning had seen two women walking about a quarter mile from Alstone Lawn. He did not speak to them, but gave a description of the pair when he reported back to the station. At 9.20 that same morning, a police sergeant on duty in Tewkesbury Road saw two women who matched the description given by the constable. Both smelled strongly of paraffin and their shoes and stockings appeared to be saturated. They were arrested and taken first to the Tewkesbury Road station, then moved to Cheltenham police station.

When asked by the Bench chairman if they had anything to say, the taller woman said they did not approve of this court, as there was no woman there to try them. They were remanded for a week while efforts were made to identify them. Gloucester Prison had stopped taking female prisoners in 1904, so they were sent to Worcester, travelling by taxi to Gloucester railway station, where they boarded a train to Worcester, accompanied by police in plain clothes. When they emerged from Cheltenham police station to start their journey, both were still bare-footed. A number of press photographers were waiting and they tried to cover their faces. While “Red” and “Black” were in Worcester Prison, the Cheltenham police circulated descriptions of them. It was reported that despite the resistance of the prisoners, the police had managed to take their fingerprints.

On Saturday 27 December, the Gloucester Journal reported that the two suffragettes had been released under the terms of the “Cat and Mouse” Act, because they had refused to eat and had become weak and ill as a result. This Act had been brought in to try to deal with the problem of prisoners going on hunger strike and then being force-fed. When prisoners became ill, they would be released for enough time to recover, then re-arrested. In this case, the two women were released on condition that they returned to Worcester Prison in order to be brought back to Cheltenham Police Court on 29 December.

On 3 January 1914, the Gloucester Journal stated that the two prisoners had not returned to Worcester Prison and so the hearing at Cheltenham Police Court concerning the fire at Alstone Lawn would not take place. The women had disappeared from the house in Birmingham where they had been sent to recover their health. A warrant for their arrest was issued. By now, the woman named as “Red” had been identified as Lilian Lenton, who had become well-known as a serial arsonist in the cause of women’s suffrage.

Lilian Lenton was born in Leicester in 1891 and trained as a dancer. She became very active in the Women’s Suffrage movement, first breaking windows, then moving on to arson. She was a member of a group in the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) known as the ‘Young Hot Bloods’. The members of this group were all unmarried, young, and mostly women. They travelled in pairs around the country carrying heavy containers of paraffin, setting fire to unoccupied buildings.

Lenton’s first arrest had taken place in 1912 when she had been arrested for taking part in a suffragette campaign of breaking windows. She was arrested under the name “Ida Inkley” and sentenced to two months in Holloway Prison. Then in February 1913, she was back in Holloway on remand, having been arrested on a charge of setting fire to the tea house at Kew Gardens. This time, she went on hunger strike and was force-fed in such a brutal manner that food got into her lungs and caused a serious respiratory illness. She was released under the Cat and Mouse Act and once she had recovered, escaped before she could be sent back to prison.

Lilian Lenton photographed at Holloway Prison in 1912.
(Home Office, Public Domain, via Wikimedia Commons)

In June 1913, she was arrested again after an attempt was made to set fire to a house in Doncaster. On this occasion, unfortunately, the house turned out not to be empty, as a housekeeper was sleeping there and she interrupted the would-be arsonists. Lenton was only caught because she went to the courtroom where a young male journalist and a female WSPU member who had been charged with the crime were appearing. She gave evidence that she (under the name Mary Dennis), not the woman in the dock, had been the one in the house with the young man on the night in question. She was committed for trial at the Leeds Assizes and was sent on remand to Armley Gaol. A familiar sequence of events then took place: Hunger strike; release on licence; escape. This time, it was believed that she had got away disguised as a delivery boy, and had gone to France.

On 7 October 1913, Lilian Lenton was arrested at Paddington Station, where she had gone to collect a bicycle. She was arrested on the charge of arson at Kew Gardens and was sent to Holloway Prison on remand. She went on hunger strike and was released on licence once again, on condition that she surrendered to take her trial at the Old Bailey in November. She failed to make an appearance and a month later, the offence at Cheltenham took place.

After her failure to appear at Cheltenham Police Court in late December 1913, no more was heard of Lilian Lenton until the following year in early May, when she was arrested by Birkenhead police. Superintendent Hopkins of Gloucestershire Constabulary immediately applied to have her brought to Cheltenham, but he was aware that he might have to wait for some time, as there were the outstanding cases in London and Leeds to be dealt with too. Priority was given to the Doncaster case and Lenton was tried at Leeds Assizes on 8 May, where she was sentenced to 12 months imprisonment. She was sent to Armley Gaol, where she refused to take food or water, became seriously ill and was sent to a boarding house to recover. She disappeared once again and had not been found by the time war broke out in August 1914.

On the outbreak of the Great War, the WSPU held secret talks with the Home Office which led to all law-breaking suffragettes being given an amnesty, in return for the organization ending their militant activities and helping the war effort. From then on, the WSPU campaigned for women to be taken on to do the jobs vacated by men who had joined the armed forces. Some of the members went on to serve abroad as nurses, ambulance drivers and orderlies. Lilian Lenton received the French Red Cross for her work as an orderly. She never appeared in Cheltenham Police Court to answer the charge of arson at Alstone Lawn.

Sources

You can find out more about the life and exploits of Lilian Lenton at suffrageresources.org.uk and spartacus-educational.com

You can read about the history of Alstone Lawn at https://historyofhestersway.co.uk

Newspapers (all accessed on http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk):

Cheltenham Chronicle, 27 Dec 1913

Gloucester Journal, 27 Dec 1913, 3 Jan 1914, 9 May 1914

Gloucestershire Echo, 27 Dec 1913, 31 Dec 1913, 21 May 1914

Daily Mirror, 21 and 28 Feb 1913, 8 and 16 Oct 1913

Yorkshire Post, 17 June and 15 July 1913, 9 and 22 Oct 1913, 13 Dec 1913, 5 and 18 May 1914

Copyright Jill Evans 2023

Two Gloucester Prison Warders up before the Bench, 1874

At the Epiphany meeting of the Gloucestershire Quarter Sessions held in January 1875, Dr Ancrum reported to his fellow magistrates that two warders at the county prison had appeared in court the previous November, charged with supplying forbidden goods to prisoners, contrary to the regulations. After a prisoner had been found to have tobacco in his possession, the governor had made extensive enquiries and discovered that ‘articles of luxury’ had been supplied to prisoners for months. Ancrum stated that suspicions had already been aroused when one prisoner had refused to eat any of the prison food for some time, and rather than wasting away, he had actually put on weight. This prisoner admitted that he had been supplied with food, tobacco, beer and other things by one warder, with another assisting. Both of the warders involved had been found guilty at their summary trial, with one, Nelmes, being sentenced to six months’ imprisonment in the gaol, while the other, called Miller, was fined £10.

Illustration of two warders at an unspecified prison, pictured in Illustrated London News, 5 May 1888. (Image courtesy of British Newspaper Archive)

Edward Nelmes and John Miller had appeared before Dr Ancrum at Shire Hall on 11 November 1874. They were charged with introducing into Gloucester Prison, on 5 November, letters, money, tobacco, food and fermented liquors for the use of prisoners, contrary to the regulations. Captain Knox, governor of the prison, said that on 6 November, the chaplain handed him a letter and about one third of an ounce of tobacco, which had been found in the possession of one of the prisoners. The prisoner, named Davies, said he had received tobacco from another prisoner, Charles Bryant, who also had helped him to send and receive letters. Bryant admitted that he had received bread, onions, beer, cheese, lard and other articles, which he had purchased with money sent by a female acquaintance of his who lived in Islington, London.

Knox had gone to Islington and had spoken to the woman there, who admitted sending money to Bryant. Then he had gone to Coleford to speak to James Davies, father of the other prisoner, who told him that he had sent stamps to the woman in Islington, for the benefit of his son. Knox stated that if a remand was granted, he would be able substantiate the evidence against the two warders. Both defendants had nothing to say when invited to speak, and were remanded until 14 November.

On Saturday, 14 November, Nelmes and Miller appeared before a full bench of magistrates. Charles Bryant, who was serving a term of hard labour for bigamy, gave evidence that the pair had supplied him with tobacco, beer, and various articles of food prohibited by the regulations. In addition, Miller had been the medium of conveying letters through the post between Bryant and a female acquaintance of Bryant’s named Louisa Surhaff, who lived in Islington, London. Miller and Nelmes also had conveyed letters between Bryant and his half-brother in Bristol. In the letters received by Bryant were postage stamps, which were given to the warders, who used them as payment to supply Bryant with goods. On one occasion, Nelmes had gone to Bristol to attend a funeral and Bryant asked him to deliver a note by hand to his brother, which asked him to send ten shillings via the bearer.

Bryant stated that on 2 July that year, he was brought from the prison workshop by Officer Cambridge, to see Miss Surhaff in the visiting room. Cambridge had left after a few minutes and was replaced by Nelmes. Bryant told Surhaff to ‘give the officer something from me’. She took out ten shillings in silver and tried to hand it to Nelmes, but he indicated that she should put the money on the table, then he picked it up. She also handed over some tobacco and a pipe. Bryant asked Nelmes to keep the ten shillings and the pipe for him for when he got out, but the warder could keep the tobacco. He said he had ‘found’ food in his cell and in the workshop. Nelmes had given him beer and Miller had supplied beer and tobacco. About a week after Surhaff’s visit he had received a letter from her, containing ten shillings in postage stamps. He had received the same the next week and had given the stamps to Miller. The letters were always addressed to Miller at the gaol. He had written about 20 letters to Surhaff and got about a dozen back. He had also received five shillings in stamps from his half-brother, Luke Skidmore.

James Davies, who had been convicted of rioting in Coleford, said that he had got into a conversation with Bryant while they were both working at white-washing, supervised by Nelmes. One of his duties was to take water round to the cells and after this conversation, he started looking among the bedclothes in Bryant’s cell when he brought water. Over various visits he had found tobacco, apple pudding, bread and butter, meat and other food. On average over three months he had found tobacco in Bryant’s cell about three times a week, as well as lots of food. Bryant had also arranged for letters to be conveyed to and from Davis and his wife and his father. Louisa Surhaff, Luke Skidmore and James Davies senior all appeared and gave evidence.

John Miller pleaded guilty to the charge of conveying letters and due to a ‘legal difficulty’ which was not made clear, the prosecution withdrew the other charges against him. He was sentenced to pay a fine of ten pounds, plus costs, or spend time in prison. As a result of his offence, he would be dismissed from his position and would not be entitled to any arrears in pay. Edwin Nelmes was convicted of all the offences and was sentenced to six months in prison. The newspapers commented that he had been in the prison service for 16 years, and was also a former soldier in receipt of a pension. The Chairman of the Bench remarked that he wasn’t sure whether Miller was actually the worse of the two.

The registers of Gloucester County Prison provide some more information concerning the two disgraced warders. According to the Registers of Prisoners, they were admitted on 11 November, after their appearance before Dr Ancrum. John Miller was aged 36 and was described as having a large brown beard. Edwin Nelmes was 61, had a large grey beard, and had lost all his upper front teeth. Both men could read and write only imperfectly. After their convictions on 14 November, they appeared in the prison’s Register of Summary Convictions. Miller had been ordered to pay a £10 fine, plus costs of 16 shillings, or spend three months in gaol. He paid in full and was discharged on 16 November. He was described as a Roman Catholic, married with three children. His wife, Mary Ann Miller, lived at 22 St Aldate Street, Gloucester. Nelmes served his time and was discharged on 13 May 1875. He was a Presbyterian, married, and a native of Stinchcombe, Gloucestershire. His wife was Constant Nelmes, whose address was given as Bearland, Gloucester.

A search of the Gloucestershire records on Ancestry did not reveal much information about John Miller. Despite being a Roman Catholic, he married in an Anglican church, perhaps because of his wife’s religion. His marriage to Mary Ann Hooper took place on 2 April 1866 at St Michael’s Church in Gloucester. His occupation at that time was a Railway Policeman. On the 1871 census, he was working at the prison, while his wife’s whereabouts proved elusive. Miller was said to have been born in Codford, Wiltshire. The couple were not found in later census returns.

Edwin Nelmes appeared in the 1861 census living in the district of Barton St Michael, Gloucester. He was then aged 48 and described as a Greenwich Pensioner, late of the Royal Marines, born in Stinchcombe. He wasn’t working at the prison on the night of the 1871 census and could not be found elsewhere. By 1881 Nelmes was a widower, living alone in Tillsdown, Lower Cam. He was still in Tillsdown at the time of the 1891 census, but died later that same year. His burial was recorded in the parish registers of St Bartholomew Church, Lower Cam, on 5 December 1891. He was 77 years old.

Sources

Viewed on http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk, 9-12 Jan 2023:

Gloucester Journal, 14 Nov and 21 Nov 1874, 9 Jan 1875

Cheltenham Examiner, 18 Nov 1874

Illustrated London News, 5 May 1888, page 20

Viewed on http://www.ancestry.co.uk, 9-12 Jan 2023:

Gloucestershire Prison Records: Gloucester County Gaol, Registers of Prisoners, 1871-77 and Registers of Summary Convictions, 1873-76

Census Records for England and Wales: 1861, Barton St Michael, Gloucester; 1871, North Hamlet, Gloucester (County Prison);1881 and 1891, Cam, Gloucestershire

Parish Registers: St Michael’s Parish Church, Gloucester, 2 April 1866; Lower Cam Burial Registers, 5 Dec 1891

Copyright Jill Evans, 2023

Obscene postcards, invisible ink, and the arrest of a respectable woman: “The Coleford Sensation”, December 1923

In the days leading up to Christmas in 1923, while many Coleford residents were sending festive cards to their families and friends, one local woman had been posting items of a very different nature. On 13 December, people busy doing their shopping in the Market Place were shocked when Miss Diana Langham, a respectable middle-aged spinster of independent means, was approached by police officers and asked to accompany them to the station. As she was escorted away, she was heard to say, “I know nothing about the postcards”.

On the same day as Langham was arrested, The Citizen reported on the story and gave some details of the reasons for the arrest. It emerged that for some time past, several people in Coleford had been receiving postcards bearing obscene messages and images. The police had been informed and after weeks of investigation, they had called in the help of Scotland Yard, who had sent Detective-Sergeant Giles of the Criminal Investigation Department (Special GPO Branch) to carry out an investigation, alongside the unfortunately named Inspector Bent of the Coleford Police.

No details were given as to how Diana Langham had been identified as being the chief suspect. The Citizen noted that she was fifty years old and a life-long resident of Coleford. She was a regular attendant at church and a member of the local golf club. Her father was the late Mr Goodrich Langham of Highnash, Coleford, who for many years had been a local Crown Official and had been concerned in various mining operations in the Forest of Dean.

Diana Langham appeared at Coleford Police Court on the following day and pleaded not guilty to the charge that “between 12 July 1923 and divers other days between then and 13 December, she had sent certain postal packets which had therein certain words and designs of an indecent character”. Her address was given as Dombey Lodge, High Street, Coleford. The police asked for the accused to be detained in custody so the case against her could be completed. Her lawyer applied for bail to be granted and a butcher and wine and spirit merchant called Mr Highley offered to act as a surety, but when he was asked to pay £200 and also to take responsibility for her until her next appearance in court, he said he would have to consult with his wife. The magistrates decided that it would be best if Langham was remanded in custody for a week. As Gloucester Prison no longer held females, she was taken by train to Cardiff Prison.

The next hearing was held at a Special Court at Coleford on 21 December. The Gloucester Journal, under the headline “The Coleford Sensation”, reported that Langham was wearing a grey dress and a long grey coat, with a black velvet hat and veil. She was charged under Section 63 of the Post Office Act 1908. It was stated in court that if a summary conviction was made by the magistrates, a £10 fine would be the penalty. If it was decided that the case should be sent for trial on an indictment, the sentence would be imprisonment for up to twelve months.

Again, no details were given as to how Diana Langham had been identified as the likely culprit, but it transpired that a “sting” operation had been put in place to establish her guilt beyond doubt. Mr Bishop of the Secretary’s Office of the General Post Office (GPO) gave evidence that on 3 December, he had marked 12 penny stamps and 24 half-penny stamps with “acid in an invisible manner”. He had given the stamps to Miss Fyfe, the Coleford postmistress, with “certain instructions”. She told the sorting clerk to keep the stamps locked up and not to sell them to anyone but the accused. On 7 December, Langham called at Coleford Post Office and bought six penny and twelve half-penny stamps. She bought more two days later.

On 10 December, a postcard addressed to “Charlie Saunders, Bank, Coleford” was found in the Sparrow Hill letter box. The postman who collected it from the box took it to the postmistress, who gave it to D.S. Giles. The invisible ink was then developed and the stamp bore the secret mark previously applied. On 12 December, Giles, who had been watching Langham’s movements, saw her in the street, fidgeting with something in her pocket and looking rather nervous. Giles followed her and when Langham pulled a glove out of the same pocket he glimpsed the top of a postcard. Later he saw her post something in the Sparrow Hill postbox. When the box was emptied, a few letters and one postcard was found. After Diana Langham’s arrest, her house was searched. The police found unused stamps and postcards, a quill pen, and, crucially, a piece of blotting paper on which one of the indecent words used on the postcards was readable.

Charles Lionel Saunders, chief cashier at Lloyds Bank, Coleford, stated that he had received 32 postcards, all but one sent to the bank. His wife had received two. Arthur Stanley Roberts, a photographer of Market Place, Coleford, had received four postcards and a letter. His wife had received 2 postcards. Stanley Porter, auctioneer, and Albert Hunter Powell, insurance agent, had received one card each.

Langham’s solicitor, Mr Lane, said that there appeared to be no question that his client had sent the cards, although neither she nor any of her friends or family could explain why. He asked that the Bench would deal with the case summarily and administer a fine. The shame of being exposed and the ruin of her previously spotless reputation would be the greatest punishment she would endure. It was also likely that the recipients of the cards would take civil proceedings against her for libel. Her married sister, who lived in Somerset, had offered to give her a home and Miss Langham had no intention of ever returning to Coleford. After consulting for several minutes, the Bench decided that the case should be sent to the Gloucestershire Assizes. Mr Lane then asked for his client to be granted bail, as her sister would take responsibility for her. This was granted and some time later, Diana Langham was taken out of a back door to a waiting motor car. Several women shouted “Good luck!” as she was driven away.

Diana Langham pictured in the Daily Mirror, 22 December 1923. Image from British Newspaper Archive

The Gloucestershire Assizes took place in the last week of January 1924. When her trial came on, Diana Langham entered the courtroom wearing the same clothes as at her hearing, but without the veil. She was given a seat in the dock, where she occasionally applied smelling salts to her nose. She had changed her plea to guilty, meaning that the trial did not take as long as it would have done if she had maintained her innocence. The prosecution counsel said that he would not go into details of the contents of the communications and there was no need for the police or any of the witnesses to give evidence.

Mr A.F. Clements appeared for the accused, and said that the whole case had come as a great shock to all of Langham’s family and friends, as she had always borne a blameless character. The only reason he could offer for her inexplicable behaviour was that being the age she was, “she was passing through that period which induces in some women a strange mental and nervous condition”. (In plainer language, she was menopausal.) Miss Langham had pleaded guilty, she was extremely sorry and would never do such a thing again. She had been living with her married sister in Somerset and would make her home there. She would never go back to Coleford.

As Langham had pleaded guilty there was no need for the jury to retire to consider a verdict. She was helped out of her seat by a wardress and a warder and held onto the dock rail to receive sentence. The judge commended her for changing her plea to guilty, thus sparing the witnesses from having to give evidence. The postcards were “full of the most horrible, vulgar coarseness, which must have caused the greatest distress to the men and women who received them, and were an outrage upon the Post Office employees who had to deal with them”. Her actions had been “pure wickedness, and very cruel wickedness, which could not be passed over” and so he sentenced her to six months imprisonment.

Details were not given as to where Diana Langham served her sentence, but afterwards she went to live with her sister and brother-in-law, Lucy and William J. Browning, in Somerset. She died in 1955, aged 82. As she left a will, some information was given in the National Probate Calendars. She had been living at Fernbank, Barrington, Somerset, and died in a hospital in Taunton, on 2 November 1955. Her sister Lucy Browning administered her will, in which she left estate valued at £1168.11s. Presumably she died without ever having revealed why she had sent the postcards, or why she had targeted those particular individuals, especially the poor bank clerk who had received 32 out of 42 of her communications.

Sources:

Newspapers all from British Newspaper Archive (www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk)

Daily Mirror, 22 December 1923

Citizen, 13 Dec, 14 Dec 1923, 28 Jan 1924

Gloucester Journal, 15 Dec, 22 Dec 1923

Other sources from Ancestry (www.ancestry.co.uk)

England and Wales Register, 1939

England and Wales Births, Marriages and Deaths: Deaths, Oct-Dec 1955

National Probate Calendars

Copyright Jill Evans, 2021

Stolen U.S. Army Cigarettes Hidden in a Pram: Cheltenham, 1943

Camelad1943

Advertisement for Camel cigarettes in Carolina Magazine, May 1943 (via archive.org.)

‘STOLEN U.S. “SMOKES” HIDDEN IN PRAM’.

This was the eye-catching headline to a story which appeared in the Cheltenham Chronicle on 4 September 1943, concerning the appearance at Cheltenham Police Court of two women who were accused of receiving cigarettes stolen by a U.S. Army Private. This was not a case of petty pilfering, as six wooden cases containing a total of 60,000 Camel cigarettes had been stolen from an American camp. Mabel Lilian Seldon and Doris Carpenter, both of Number 16 Crabtree Place, Cheltenham, were charged with receiving 10,000 of the cigarettes from Private Richard R. Hamilton, on or about the 20 August 1943. Both women pleaded not guilty.

Superintendent A.W. Hopkins of Gloucestershire Police explained that some American soldiers, including Hamilton, were in the custody of the U.S. Military Police, charged with stealing six cases of Camel cigarettes from the U.S. Army Authorities. Each case contained 10,000 cigarettes, divided into cartons of 200, which in turn were divided into packets of 20.

The six cases had been stolen from the camp on the night of 20 August. The matter had been reported to the police and Detective Sergeant Smith, along with Lieutenant Butler and Sergeant Ward of the U.S. Army, started an investigation. Their inquiries led them to a house rented by Mrs Doris Carpenter, who had her friend Mabel Seldon staying with her. The house was searched and quantities of cigarettes were found in various places. Someone then noticed that a baby’s pram, which had been in the hall when the searchers first arrived at the house, was now missing, along with Seldon’s three-week-old infant. Lieutenant Butler and Detective Sergeant Smith ran out to look around and discovered the pram some distance from the house, being pushed by an elder child. Taking the baby out, they found 44 cartons of cigarettes packed in the bottom of the pram and covered in clothing. The two women were arrested and charged with receiving stolen goods.

In their written statements, it transpired that Private ‘Dick’ Hamilton had made frequent visits to the house in Crabtree Place, as he had been ‘keeping company’ with Mabel Seldon for about twelve months. He had visited on the night of 20 August and shortly after midnight he had borrowed Doris Carpenter’s bicycle, saying he had to fetch some cases of cigarettes which he had hidden in a hedge near the racecourse. He returned later with a wooden case full of cigarettes, which he left in a passage by the stairs. The next day, he asked to borrow the bicycle again, saying he thought he could get rid of another three cases.

Later Hamilton had a drink with Seldon at the Cambridge Inn in North Street. He told her that he had got rid of another case. They took a taxi back to Crabtree Place, where Hamilton told the driver to wait for some cases. He later went off in the taxi with the cases, returning 15 minutes later to ask if he could borrow the bicycle again. He went off on that and they didn’t see him again. On the next morning, the taxi driver from the previous night came to the house and took away more cigarettes. Later, when they became worried that Dick had not returned, they decided to hide the remaining cigarettes in the pram.

In court, Doris Carpenter gave evidence and changed her plea to guilty. Speaking on her behalf, her counsel, Mr A. Mason Amery, suggested that her loyalty to her friend had overcome her duty as a citizen. She had no initial part in the offences and was just in the house when Hamilton visited Seldon. From the moment she had known that the property was stolen, she had acted like a fool. She was bound over for two years.

Addressing Mabel Seldon, the Mayor, who presided, told her that the magistrates believed hers was a very bad case: ‘You have associated with this man Hamilton, and you have committed these offences, rendering yourself liable to six months imprisonment. You have been guilty of telling bare-faced lies and altogether we feel you case is one which should be dealt with severely.’ Despite his strong words, Seldon was not sentenced to serve six months in prison, but three.

At the same court session, a married couple were also charged with receiving some of the stolen cigarettes. Thomas and Mabel Knight, of Number 267 High Street, Cheltenham, were accused of receiving three cases, each containing 10,000 Camel cigarettes, property of the USA Army Authorities, knowing them to be stolen. Both pleaded not guilty. They were represented by the same counsel as the two women, Mr A. Mason Amery.

Superintendent Hopkins stated that inquiries had led him, accompanied by Detective Sergeant Smith and Detective Constable Sheppard, to premises in High Street, where Mr Knight ran a business as a butcher. Mr Knight said that there were no cigarettes on his premises, but Detective Sergeant Smith spoke to Mrs Knight in another room, and she said that an American soldier had brought them, and they were under the bed.

In a written statement, Mrs Knight had said that at about 11 pm on Saturday 21 August, an American soldier came to the door with a taxi and said he was ‘Dick’, a friend of her son Harold. He asked if he could leave three parcels there until Wednesday. She agreed, but on seeing the size of the cases voiced her concern that they would take up a lot of room. The soldier told her to take the wooden cases off and she did so, placing the cardboard cartons under the bed. The soldier told her she could have two packets of cigarettes to give to her daughter’s young man.

Mr Amery put up a powerful plea for the defence, saying the only issue was whether the couple knew the cigarettes were stolen. The American had called at the house and told Mrs Knight that he was a friend of her son’s. He asked her to keep some packets for her for a while. Mrs Knight did not see anything sinister in this, as people often left parcels at the house.

Thomas Knight in his defence said that he didn’t see the American soldier on the night he came to the door and knew nothing about the cigarettes until Sunday morning when he took his wife a cup of tea and and saw the packages. She told him an American soldier named Dick had left them and would call for them later. Knight denied several points set out in a written statement made by Hamilton, in which it was declared that Knight had agreed to take the cigarettes at five shillings a carton.

After a short absence to consider, the magistrates dismissed the case, as the Bench did not think the evidence was sufficiently strong to justify conviction. Superintendent Hopkins then drew attention to a charge of receiving cigarettes which had been proposed to be brought against Cecil Alexander Hall, the licensee of the Cambridge Inn, North Street. Due to the verdict on the last case, he asked for the case to be dropped, which was agreed. Mr J.D. Lane, on behalf of Mr Hall, said he hoped there would be no stigma attached to his client, as he would have pleaded not guilty and the case would have been ‘most strenuously contested’.

The proceedings in the Cheltenham Police Court that day with regards to the stolen cigarettes resulted in one defendant imprisoned, one bound over, two having their cases dismissed and one against whom the case was dropped. What happened to Richard ‘Dick’ Hamilton and his fellows, then in the charge of the U.S. Military Police, was not reported.

 

Sources:

Newspapers (accessed at www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk, 25 and 26 Aug 2010)

Cheltenham Chronicle and Gloucestershire Graphic, 4 September 1943

Gloucestershire Echo, 31 August 1943

Illustration from Carolina Magazine, May 1943, accessed on archive.org, 26 Aug 2010

A Judge threatens to jail the Deputy Chief Constable: Gloucester Assizes, 1895

Mr Justice Cave was not in a good mood as he sat in the courtroom of Gloucester’s Shire Hall on the second morning of the Winter Assizes, which took place in November 1895. Shire Hall was undergoing some building works and on this morning, an incessant hammering disturbed the court proceedings.

Increasingly irritated, Judge Cave exclaimed that if the noise was not stopped, he would ‘send someone to prison’. The Deputy Chief Constable of the Gloucestershire Police, Nehemiah Philpott, said that he had sent the Inspector and another officer to find the source of the noise and order them to be quiet. For a short while, peace was restored, but then the hammering started again. Cave said, ‘I cannot have this going on. Bring that man to me.’ DCC Philpott then left the court to look for the miscreant. In the meantime, the trial which had been taking place was suspended.

Philpott returned to the courtroom not long afterwards, alone. The judge asked him, ‘Where is that man I told you to bring to me?’ Philpott replied, ‘My lord, he is not a man belonging to this building at all.’ It appeared that the noise was not coming from Shire Hall itself, but from a neighbouring property. Justice Cave then told the DCC: ‘I do not care whether he belongs to this building, or who he is.’ When Philpott told him that he did not know who the man was, Cave replied sternly, ‘Then go and find out, or I shall send you to prison’.

Philpott set off again and Cave commented to the court, ‘The police here seem extremely incompetent.’ He then ordered the trial to proceed, and after a while Philpott arrived back in court, accompanied by a workman. The judge ordered the man to come forward, then told him he must not make a noise while the court was sitting. The man said that he did not know he was doing wrong. He was told he must go away and not make any more noise, then he was allowed to leave. The rest of the trials that day were heard in peace.

The scene in the court was reported in the local newspaper, The Citizen, that same evening, under the heading, ‘The Hammering Nuisance, the Judge and the Police’. The story was rapidly repeated in many other publications nationwide.  The Citizen reproduced a column which appeared in the periodical Truth, which reported that DCC Philpott had been ‘terrified’ when he was threatened with prison, and that when the erring workman was brought before the judge, ‘To the relief of all present, the offender was not ordered away to instant execution, but was merely admonished and dismissed.’ The report continued that the workman had been in the employ of a contractor on a building in the neighbourhood and that the DCC ‘had to enter the premises and virtually arrest the man to carry out the judge’s command.’ There was some speculation as to whether this was legal.

Cave’s remarks about the competence of the Gloucestershire Police and his treatment of the Deputy Chief Constable caused great indignation amongst the local citizens. On the day following the report in The Citizen, two letters were printed in the same publication. The first, from Abel Evans of Southgate Street, Gloucester, stated that he believed a great number of readers would agree with him that the Judge’s comments about the police were uncalled for, and he hoped Justice Cave would see his way clear to withdraw his remarks. The second letter, from ‘R.J.V.’ of Oxford Street, Gloucester, said that a great injustice had been done to DCC Philpott and the Gloucester Police Force. The remarks by Justice Cave ‘must have hurt the feelings of many Gloucester citizens’. The writer  wondered whether Cave expected all trade to be stopped in the neighbourhood of Shire Hall during the Assizes and if so, would the Judge be prepared to pay compensation for loss of earnings to all those affected?

A few days after the incident, an ex-City High Sheriff, Councillor HRJ Brain, presided over the annual dinner of the Tyndale Cycling Club. In a speech to the gathering, Brain noted the ‘regrettable language reported to have been used with reference to the police by the learned Judge at the recent Assizes’. He had met many judges during his time as High Sheriff and had read Cave’s remarks ‘with astonishment and regret’. No city in England, he said, had a police force more competent, and the DCC was deservedly respected by all sections of society. He only hoped Cave had not been speaking seriously.

On 23 November, the Gloucestershire Chronicle, in its section called ‘City and County Notes’, commented that Cave’s latest visit to Gloucester would be remembered for some time ‘for the manner in which his Lordship thought fit to speak of our local police force’ and the ‘strong indignation’ caused by the Judge’s remarks to DCC Philpott and his threatening to send him to prison, in the presence of police constables.

In December, the Gloucester Journal reported that ‘Mr Justice Cave’s attack upon the police had been taken up in an official quarter.’ At the quarterly meeting of the Gloucestershire Standing Joint Committee, held on the last day of that month, the Chairman stated that he had written to the Lord Chancellor, who had replied that the matter would receive serious consideration. At the next meeting of the Standing Joint Committee, which took place in April 1896, the Chairman informed the members that he had received a communication from the Lord Chancellor who regretted the incident, but  no more could be done. However, the Chairman believed that his complaint to the Lord Chancellor may have had some good effect. Beyond that he could say no more.

The ‘good effect’ to which the Chairman alluded may have been the announcement in January 1896 that Justice Cave had been moved off the Oxford Assize Circuit, of which Gloucestershire was part, and onto the Northern Circuit. Cave would preside over no more trials at Gloucester.

IllLondonNews11Sept1897

Sir Lewis Cave, ‘Mr Justice Cave’, in the Illustrated London News, 11 Sept 1897. (Image courtesy of http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk, copyright British Library Board)

In early November of 1895, rumours had begun circulating that Cave would retire from the Bench the following March, when he would have completed 15 years’ service and would be entitled to receive a pension. However, despite increasing ill health, he changed his mind about retiring and continued until August 1897, when he finally tendered his resignation. He didn’t enjoy his retirement for long, as he died on 7 September 1897, aged 65.

A long obituary appeared in the Gloucester Journal on 11 September 1897, which remarked that, ‘His burly figure, rubicund face and brusque manner were familiar on the Oxford Circuit, as was his curt, “That won’t do, you know”, with which he was wont to pull up counsel who tried to occupy untenable positions.’ The report inevitably reminded readers of the incident in Gloucester in November 1895, when ‘his lordship threatened to commit DCC Philpott to prison because he was annoyed by a workman hammering in the vicinity of the Court’. This incident might have been ‘characteristic of his short temper in recent years’, but shouldn’t detract from the many kindly things said about him in the various obituaries.

The report then quoted from some of the obituaries. The Daily Telegraph asserted that Cave was a strong, if not a great, judge, who had been a sound lawyer and ‘one of the most impartial men that ever adorned the Bench’. The Standard opined that Cave was ‘not one of the great judges’, as he was subject to several serious limitations. His temper was often short, especially in later years, when he had to contend with increasing physical infirmities, which made him hasty and irritable. However, Cave had great qualities too, and it was said that in earlier times on the Midlands Circuit, he had entertained all his colleagues with his humorous stories. The Times stated that if Cave had died or resigned some years ago, the almost universal verdict would have been that few more efficient Judges had sat on the Bench in recent years. However, the last years of his career had not been as distinguished as the first, as increasing bad health appeared to have impaired his vigour.

It was revealed that Cave’s main physical problems were chronic dyspepsia and increasing deafness. The latter infirmity no doubt contributed to his bad temper on that infamous day in November 1895, as he probably couldn’t follow what was being said in court because of the terrible noise coming from outside. However, whatever the reason behind his outburst, Cave would long be remembered in Gloucester as the judge who once threatened to send Gloucestershire’s Deputy Chief Constable to prison.

Sources:

Newspapers (all on http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk):

The Citizen, 19 Nov, 20 Nov, 22 Nov, 27 Nov 1895

Gloucester Journal, 7 Dec, 14 Dec 1895, 4 Jan 1896, 11 Apr 1896, 11 Aug, 11 Sept 1897

Gloucestershire Chronicle, 23 Nov 1895, 18 Jan 1896

Illustrated London News, 11 September 1897

©Jill Evans, 2020

‘Masquerading as a Man’: A Gloucestershire servant arrested in London, 1913

Tatler4July1906Lloyd

From The Tatler, 15 Jan 1908*

In the first decades of the twentieth century, variety shows in British theatres often contained a popular act in the form of a woman who dressed up as a man and sang. Some of these women, such as Vesta Tilley and Daisy Burrell, became huge stars and photographs of them dressed in male clothing appeared in the pages of magazines and newspapers such as The Tatler, The Era and The Sphere. Everyone knew that these ‘boys’ were really females; they were always given the title of ‘Miss’ in theatre programmes, so there was no misunderstanding. When it came to females in ordinary life who ‘disguised’ themselves in male clothing, for whatever reason, there was less approbation, and when such a female was discovered, it could lead to a disturbance and an appearance in court. Once such case occurred in London in 1913.

 

On 25 January 1913, the Cheltenham Chronicle reported that a ‘Cheltenham girl’ had been arrested in London. Lilian Cawley, who gave her address as Queen’s Road, Bayswater, had appeared at Marylebone Police Court, looking ‘very downcast and depressed’. She had been arrested on a charge of ‘behaving in a disorderly manner by masquerading in male attire in Bishops-Rd, Paddington, and thereby causing a crowd to assemble’. A police constable had found her on Saturday night, surrounded by a crowd, and took her into custody ‘for her own sake’.

The magistrate, Mr Plowden, thought the matter quite amusing and asked if she had been dressed as a field-marshal. The police constable replied solemnly that the girl had been dressed in normal male clothing. Lilian Cawley said that she had previously worked as a domestic servant in Cheltenham, but on coming to London she thought she would stand a better chance of getting a job if she dressed as a man. Mr Plowden told her that she had been very foolish, for ‘no-one would ever take her for a man’. On her promising not to do it again, she was dismissed from court.

This might have been the end of the story, if the Gloucestershire Police had not been sent the girl’s details and found that her description matched that of a servant named Annie Cownley, who a few weeks earlier had disappeared from her master’s house, taking some of his clothing and money with her. She was taken into custody in London and Detective Frank Hallett went to fetch her from Paddington Green Police Station and bring her back to Gloucester on the train.

It transpired that Lilian or Annie Cownley, who was 23 years of age at the time of her arrest, had been born in Worcester and had gone from an orphanage into domestic service in Malvern, then spent eight years in Cheltenham. (The 1911 census has her as Lilian Hilda Cownley, living at Atherstone Lawn, Cheltenham, as a domestic servant in the household of Alfred Loxley Creese, a fancy draper.) By January 1913 she was a servant in the home of Charles Henry Organ, of 25 Brunswick Square, Gloucester. She had been employed there for only five weeks when she was found to have gone missing on the morning of 6 January, along with male clothing and a purse containing around £14 in cash.

On being charged with theft, Cawnley admitted her guilt. She told Detective Hallett that she didn’t know why she had done it. She said she had left Mr Organ’s house at 3 o’clock in the morning, wearing her master’s clothes. She had gone to Worcester, then to London, where she had bought a suit of men’s clothes for two guineas, a gent’s overcoat for two pounds, a trunk for 18 shillings and six pence, a pair of men’s boots for eight shillings and six pence, and paid five shillings and six pence in advance for a month’s lodgings.  She spent the next three weeks masquerading as a man and looking for work, without success. The trunk, containing Organ’s clothes, was found at her lodgings. She had the purse with her, containing five shillings and six pence and a pawn ticket.

Cawnley appeared before the city magistrates at Gloucester on 27 January, charged with stealing £13. 10s in gold and a quantity of male wearing apparel, the property of Charles Henry Organ. The newspapers reported that she sat dejectedly in court with her eyes fixed to the ground. She was dressed in female clothing, which was described in detail (long blue coat, black skirt, black mushroom felt hat with silver-grey band, and a blue muffler over her shoulders). She was sentenced to two months’ imprisonment with hard labour, which the Chairman of the magistrates ‘hoped would be a warning to her for the rest of her life’.

A story about a woman dressing as a man was always a popular read in the newspapers, and there were several such cases reported by the Gloucestershire press at around the same time. In June 1913, a young girl was taken into custody in Cheltenham after people became suspicious that she was a female wearing boy’s clothes. It was discovered that she had run away from her family in Swindon and had dressed herself in some of her brother’s clothes, partly in the hope of remaining undiscovered, and also because she thought she would have a better chance of finding work as a boy. Although very reluctant, she was eventually persuaded to return home.

During the First World War, attracting suspicion because of what you were wearing had an added danger. In 1915, again in Cheltenham, a woman dressed as a man nearly caused a riot when a crowd gathered round her, apparently as word spread that she was a German spy. She took refuge in a hotel bar to escape the mob and a policeman went in afterwards to look for her. It took him some time to realise that the confident young fellow drinking and smoking in the corner was in fact the suspicious female. The constable took her out of a back door to avoid the crowd gathered outside, where she disappeared into the streets, before the authorities had a chance to question her.

Sources:

Newspapers: Cheltenham Chronicle, 25 Jan 1913, 28 June 1913, 23 Oct 1915; Gloucester Journal, 1 Feb 1913. (All accessed on British Newspaper Archive, March 2018)

1911 Census, Cheltenham, District 11. Household of Alfred Loxley Creese, Atherstone Lawn Cheltenham. (Accessed on ancestry.co.uk, March 2018)

*Image From The Tatler, via britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk.  ©The British Library Board. All Rights Reserved.

©Jill Evans, 2018

 

 

 

A sham curate hanged at Gloucester, 1814

In the spring of 1812, the parish church at Newnham-on-Severn was in need of a new curate. The Revd Mr Parsons held the perpetual curacy there, but he resided in Oxford, so he employed a curate to perform his duties in the parish. The former holder of this position had resigned in March 1812, and so Revd Parsons advertised for a replacement. He soon received a response from one Thomas White, a clergyman in his forties, who was sent to Newnham to meet Parsons’ agents, solicitors Thomas Tovey and John James. White told them that he held a living in Ireland, but when they asked to see his credentials, he said that all his papers were still over there and it would take some time for them to be shipped over. Although Tovey and James had some doubts about the new recruit, Parsons had approved of him, so he was allowed to take up his duties at the church, starting on 22 March.

Newnham church

Newnham-on-Severn church (Jill Evans, 2010)

On 17 April, White told the churchwarden, Job Thatcher, that he was short of money. He asked Thatcher if he would give him £30 cash in return for a bill of exchange, bearing the name of a Mr William Jennings, who White said was his agent in Dublin. Thatcher agreed and gave him the cash.

On 15 May, Tovey and James, who had grown increasingly suspicious about White,  demanded to see his references and proof of his qualifications. White said his documents still had not arrived from Dublin and gave the address of Mr Jennings in Dublin, to write to him themselves. Four days later, on 19 May, White disappeared. Shortly afterwards, the bill of exchange the churchwarden had been given was refused payment. In addition, Tovey and James received a letter from Dublin, in which Mr Jennings stated that he knew Thomas White, but was not his agent and had nothing to do with his financial affairs. On making enquiries in Newnham, it was discovered that several parishioners had loaned White money in the short time he had been their curate.

Thomas Tovey and John James were keen to find their sham curate, but it was not until the summer of 1813 that he was sighted on several occasions in Bath, Bristol and Worcestershire. Tovey and James finally caught up with him in Worcester, on 29 November. He was removed from there to the Kings Head in Gloucester, where several of those who had known him as Thomas White came to identify him. He pretended not to recognise any of them, but later admitted to being the person known as Thomas White in Newnham. He said that his real name was Richard Williamson and that he came from Ashley in Wiltshire. It later transpired that his real name was Robert Peacock, but he bore the aliases Thomas White, Richard Williamson, Richard Thomas, William Whitefield and William Whitmore.

While Peacock waited in Gloucester gaol for his trial, more was discovered about what he had been doing in the time between leaving Newnham and being arrested in Worcester. He had gone first to Cornwall, where he had served as a curate under the name Richard Williamson, at the parish of Tailand, near Looe. This time he stayed in the position long enough to marry a respectable young lady, but soon after the marriage, when he had obtained some of her money, he went to London on ‘urgent business’. Not long after that, a notice appeared in a Cornwall newspaper, announcing the sudden death of Mr Williamson. The friends of his shocked wife went to the newspaper offices to find out if this was a mistake and were shown a letter which had been sent commissioning the announcement, which they believed was in Williamson’s handwriting.

After that, Peacock abandoned his clerical disguise, and was seen in in Bristol and Bath wearing more colourful clothing and living in some style. A fortnight before his arrest, he drove from Bristol to the King’s Head in Gloucester, with his carriage, horses and servants bedecked in orange ribbons, and announced that the Duke of Wellington had secured a famous victory over Marshal Soult in the Peninsula War, which proved to be completely untrue.

The Cheltenham Chronicle reported on the case under the headline ‘SHAM PARSON’, and commented, ‘It would be difficult to trace this extraordinary character thro’ the various disguises under which he has for several years been preying upon the public.’ The report added that the solicitors Tovey and James had been tracing his steps for the past two months and during that time, they had prevented his marrying two more ‘unsuspecting females’, one of whom lived in Bristol.

During his time in prison, Peacock repaid some of his debts, especially to people he owed in Newnham and in Wiltshire. He certainly could afford to do this, as when he was arrested he had over £150 in cash on his person, and he was found to be worth thousands of pounds in property and stocks. Many people asked to see him in prison, perhaps hoping to identify him as someone who had swindled them in the past, but he refused all visitors. He spent his time teaching scripture to his fellow prisoners and reading books lent to him by the prison chaplain.

Robert Peacock, alias Thomas White, Richard Williamson, Richard Thomas, William Whitefield and William Whitmore, was tried at the Gloucestershire Spring Assizes in April 1814. He was charged with uttering a bill of exchange, with intent to defraud Job Thatcher of Newnham. The prosecution stated that Peacock had passed the bill for £30 when acting as a curate at Newnham. He pretended the money was due to him as a quarter’s stipend for the living he held in Ballyporeen, Ireland. The bill bore the acceptance of William Jennings of Dublin, upon whom it was drawn, and the prosecution stated that this had been forged by Peacock. Jennings appeared as a witness and swore that it was not his writing on the bill.

After a trial lasting five hours, the jury took only a few minutes to find Robert Peacock guilty of forging and uttering the bill of exchange. Forgery was a capital offence, but the judge, Mr Dallas, respited the sentence on Peacock. The defence counsel had raised a point of law concerning the evidence given against him, so Dallas referred the case for the opinion of his fellow judges. Peacock was sent back to Gloucester gaol, to await the next Assizes.

At the start of the Summer Assizes, in August 1814, Robert Peacock was called before Mr Justice Dallas. The judge told Peacock that in his case, ‘the proof was very clear; but your Counsel contended that the facts were not proved in point of law.’ The evidence had been submitted to the Judges, along with the grounds of objection, and ‘their opinion was that no doubt whatever could be entertained of the facts being clearly proved’. Robert Peacock was sentenced to death. The judge said that he would be executed on 3 September, ‘unless the mercy of the Prince Regent be interposed; and great interest is made to implore Royal Clemency on his behalf’.

A Judge’s Report on Peacock’s case was immediately sent to the Home Office, along with four individual petitions, the first being from Peacock himself. His mother, Sarah Peacock, sent two and the other was from the Marquess Camden. A collective petition was also submitted, signed by the prison chaplain and surgeon and four of the Visiting Magistrates. The grounds given for clemency to be shown were that the prosecutor had asked at the trial that the prisoner be shown mercy, the prisoner had an aged mother and three helpless children, he had been behaving well in prison and had been teaching the other prisoners scripture. The judge recommended that Peacock should be shown mercy, but the appeal for clemency failed.

Robert Peacock was hanged on the gatehouse roof of Gloucester prison on 3 September 1814, alongside another convict, George Symes, who had been condemned for horse stealing. The Gloucester Journal reported that Peacock had been counselling Symes in the condemned cells, ‘bringing him from obduracy to a more perfect understanding of the awful change he was about to undergo’.

On the scaffold, Peacock shook hands with Symes and with the executioner. He told the latter that he would find a few shillings in his pocket. On the following day, his body was buried at St Nicholas Church in Westgate Street, Gloucester.

Sources

Gloucester Journal, 11 April, 18 April, 12 August, 5 September, 1814

Cheltenham Chronicle, 9 December 1813

The National Archives, Judges’ Reports, HO47/53/34, 20 August 1814

Gloucestershire Archives, Parish Registers, St Nicholas Gloucester, Burials (P154/15)

This case appears in Hanged at Gloucester, by Jill Evans (The History Press, 2011)

© Jill Evans 2017

 

Buried at the crossroads: William Birt, 1791

William Birt was supposed to be the first person to be hanged on the gatehouse roof of the new Gloucester Prison, which opened in the summer of 1791. However, having been found guilty of murder and condemned to death at the Gloucestershire Assizes in August 1791, he decided not to wait for the executioner, and took his own life in the condemned cell.

The charge of murder against Birt was far from being a straightforward case. Birt was a carpenter, 26 years of age, who lived in Tewkesbury. He had been ‘walking out’ with Sarah Powell, who was a servant maid in the household of a Tewkesbury family. In the spring of 1791, Sarah had discovered that she was pregnant, and William had given her a powder to take, in the hope of inducing a miscarriage. Unfortunately, the powder caused the death of both mother and child.

Sarah Powell had lingered on for eleven days after taking the powder, and so she was able to tell her doctor who had given her the substance and why. After Sarah’s death, William Birt was committed to Tewkesbury Gaol at first, then was removed by habeus corpus to Gloucester, to await trial at the Assizes. This was in April 1791, before the new prison opened, so he was held in the old gaol in Gloucester Castle, where the conditions were terrible. In the last week of July, although the building works were not entirely completed, the new prison was judged to be fit for occupation, and the prisoners were moved from the crumbling old castle keep into their new quarters, where everyone had their own cell in which to sleep. Birt was held in the gaol section of the prison to await his trial, which took place on Friday, 12 August.

Newspaper reports on the trial were not sympathetic to Birt. They said that he had ‘deluded the Deceased under a Promise of Marriage’. When she told him she was pregnant, he gave her a small quantity of a powder, telling her it would do her no harm, but rather would do her good, as he had taken twice as much in the past. Back at her home, she had taken the powder with some sugar, after which she was ‘seized with violent vomitings’, and after lying in agony for eleven days, she died.

It was clear that William Birt had never intended that Sarah Powell should die, so it might have been thought that he would have faced a charge of manslaughter rather than murder. However, the judge explained that, ‘having recommended to her a Medicine to procure abortion, and death ensuing, he was considered as guilty of Murder’. According to a well known principle of English Law, the judge said, ‘where Death ensues in consequence of an illegal Act, Malice is implied, and the offence, with its consequences, is deemed Murder’. Abortion was an illegal act, so Birt was considered to be guilty of murder. The judge added that although Sarah Powell ‘might be an Accomplice with him in the guilty Design’, her account of how Birt had encouraged her to take the powder was enough to ‘fix the crime upon the Man’. The source of the powder had not been discovered, nor exactly what it contained, but the surgeon who attended Sarah Powell was sure it was poisonous and had caused her death.

Birt was said to have remained calm during the trial and when receiving the death sentence, but when he was taken from the Bar, ‘his Confidence forsook him, and he fainted away in the Pen, and as he was conducting away from the Court, he dropped down again in a Fit’. That evening, when he arrived back at the prison, Birt was conducted to a condemned cell to await his execution, which was to take place on the following Monday, 15 August. As he was taken to the cell, he was said to have ‘wrung his hands as in the utmost Misery and Despair’. Next morning, when his cell door was unlocked, he was found hanging and dead. The prison surgeon made a brief note of the incident in his journal: ’13 Aug 1791. William Birt meant to hang on 15 August but hanged himself in cell.’

A Coroner’s Inquest was held later that day. It was said that Birt’s body had been ‘quite cold’ when the cell door had been opened. He had twisted the sheet of his bed and fastened it to the bars of the window, then tied the other end in a running knot round his neck, before throwing himself from his bedstead. The inquest jury returned a verdict of felo de se. This translates roughly as ‘felon of himself’, and the verdict had great significance, as it meant that Birt’s body was ordered to undergo the traditional fate of suicides who were judged to have been of sound mind at the time they took their own lives, which was to be buried at a crossroads, without any Christian service. The Gloucester Journal of 18 August 1791 reported that on that same Saturday, Birt’s body “was buried in a cross road, near Tewkesbury’. The treatment of the bodies of those buried at crossroads varied, but they were supposed to be ‘desecrated’ in some way, such as having a stake put through their body. The newspapers gave no details of what had happened in Birt’s case.

The authorities were keen not to disclose the exact burial places of suicides, so no details were given of the site of Birt’s burial. However, Bennett’s History of Tewkesbury, published in 1830, gives some useful information on the subject:

‘The corpse was sent by order of the coroner, to the parish officers at Tewkesbury, and buried in the cross-road at the entrance into the lane which leads to the Lodge, near the House of Industry’.

The House of Industry, later Tewkesbury Workhouse, was south of the town, on Gloucester Road. An examination of a map of Tewkesbury from 1835 shows that the most likely place of burial is in the area with the lane leading to the Lodge (now Lincoln Green Lane) on the left and a lane to the right just before the House of Industry (which now leads to the cemetery).

 

Tewkesburydetail1835

Detail from a map of Tewkesbury, from Samuel Lewis’s Topographical Dictionary of England 1835. (via GENMAPS website). The ‘House’ is the House of Industry. The burial took place at the crossroads just below that.

 

The reason for burying suicides at crossroads has never been completely clear. The practice took place from at least medieval times, when crossroads were believed to be ‘otherworldly’, God-forsaken, places. (There is an interesting article about the subject here: www.oddlyhistorical.com/2015/09/27/crossroads-suicide-burials.) Whatever the reasons for the practice, it ceased with the passing of the Burial of Suicide Act of 1823. However, taking one’s own life continued to be a criminal act until 1961.

 

Sources

Gloucester Journal, 11 April 1791, 18 August 1791

Bennett’s History of Tewkesbury, 1830, p.214, note (via archive.org)

Gloucestershire Archives:

Gaol Calendars, Easter 1791 (Q/SG1)

Gloucester County Gaol, Surgeon’s Journal, 13 Aug 1791 (Q/Gc32/1)

“A Profane Burial: Why the English Buried Suicides at Crossroads”, 27 Sept 2015, on http://www.oddlyhistorical.com. (Link in the main text above.)

Map of Tewkesbury 1835 from GENMAPS (http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~genmaps/index.html)

© Jill Evans 2017

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Dursley Election Riot, 1867

electoraldistricts

Electoral Districts, Gloucestershire, 1835. From Samuel Lewis, Topographical Dictionary of England, 1835. (www.ancestryimages.com)

 

The parliamentary constituency of West Gloucestershire had been created by the Great Reform Act of 1832. The constituency was represented by two members of parliament. In 1867, the West Gloucestershire representatives were Sir John Rolt, a Conservative, and Robert Kingscote, a Liberal. In that year, Sir John Rolt gave up his seat when he became a judge, so a by-election was declared. The Liberal candidate for the vacant seat was quickly announced as Mr Charles Paget Fitzharding Berkeley, second son of Lord Fitzharding of Berkeley Castle. The Conservatives took a long time in declaring their candidate. It had been expected that Sir George Jenkinson, 11th Baronet of Walcot and Hawkesbury, would be nominated. Sir George lived at Eastwood House, in Falfield, Gloucestershire, and he had been the High Sheriff of Gloucestershire in 1862. However, for reasons not made public, the eventual Conservative candidate was Colonel Edward Arthur Somerset, a cousin of the Duke of Beaufort.

The market town of Dursley was the place where the hustings for West Gloucestershire elections took place. On 31 July 1867, the candidates, their supporters and crowds of people gathered to hear the declaration of the results. Sir George Jenkinson came to Dursley to support Somerset on the hustings, bringing with him his wife and  children, and other guests, including the Honorable George Charles Grantley Fitzharding Berkeley, commonly known as Grantley Berkeley. Grantley Berkeley was the uncle of Charles Berkeley, the Liberal candidate,  but he had not come to support his nephew. Despite having been a Liberal MP in the same seat from 1837 to 1857, he was now supporting the Conservative candidate, Colonel Somerset. His appearance on the hustings alongside Somerset and Sir George Jenkinson led to hissing and cries of ‘turncoat!’ from Liberal supporters, who made up the majority of the crowd. The Gloucester Journal reported that the proceedings were very disorderly, and the presence of Grantley Berkeley appeared to be the principal cause of the unrest, coupled with the officiousness of Sir George Jenkinson, who ‘made himself conspicuous by obtruding himself on the notice of those assembled, bandying words with the crowd, and gesturing like a Merry Andrew’.*

When the High Sheriff declared that the Conservative candidate had won the election by 96 votes, there were cheers from the Conservative supporters, and jeers and cries of ‘bribery’ from the Liberals. Somerset gave a speech, and there was uproar when he thanked Sir George Jenkinson.  In his speech, Charles Berkeley, the losing candidate, congratulated Colonel Somerset, then made a pointed reference to people who had promised to support him but then hadn’t done so. Grantley Berkeley tried to reply, but his voice was drowned out by booing, and then fighting broke out in the crowd. Grantley Berkeley persisted in trying to speak, shouting that the troublemakers were ‘no more fit to enjoy the franchise than a pack of wild beasts’. He continued to shout at the top of his voice while the crowd booed, but when sticks began to  be thrown, he retreated from the hustings. Jenkinson remained for a while longer, berating and taunting the spectators.

A little while later, Sir George Jenkinson decided it was time to leave Dursley. As he and his family got into their carriage, they were heckled and missiles were thrown at them. The police surrounded the carriage as its occupants were pelted with rotten eggs, offal, horse-dung, turf and sticks, and a sheep’s head was thrown repeatedly back and forth over their heads.

Following this riotous behaviour, five people were arrested and appeared at a special Petty Sessions which was held at Dursley on 10 August. The Gloucester Journal reported that the proceedings “created a great deal of excitement in Dursley, and the court was thronged”. There were six magistrates on the bench and the hearing lasted eight hours. A large number of constables were present in the town, in case of any further disturbances. Gloucester solicitor Mr Taynton represented the prosecutors, while Mr Gaisford of Berkeley appeared for the defendants.

Henry Woodward, Andrew Kilmister, William Dean and Richard Lacy, along with Rowland Hill, described as “a boy”, were charged by Superintendent Griffin of the Gloucestershire Constabulary, that they did, “with divers other evil-disposed persons, to the number of ten or more, on the 31st July 1867, at the parish of Dursley, in the county of Gloucester, unlawfully and riotously assemble and gather together to disturb the peace of our Lady the Queen, and that, being then and there so assembled and gathered together, they did unlawfully and riotously make an assault upon one Sir George Jenkinson, Bart, and the Hon. G.F. Berkeley, and others, to the great disturbances and terror of the liege subjects of her Majesty the Queen then and there being”.

Mr Taynton stated that he had been instructed to prosecute by the Chief Constable of the Gloucestershire Police, who wanted brought to justice all the persons who could be proved to have taken part in this “very scandalous outrage”. The magistrates might decide the defendants had not been guilty of committing a riot, but he prayed that in that case they would be sent for trial on charges of tumultuous and unlawful assembly.

Police Sergeant Monk of Dursley was the first witness. He had been on duty on 31 July, the day when the High Sheriff officially declared the result of the poll in the recent election. There were about four hundred to five hundred people assembled near the Bell and Castle Inn, and their conduct had been riotous and noisy. Monk saw Sir George Jenkinson’s carriage being brought out from the yard of the Bell and Castle Inn, when it was time for him to leave. Sir George came through the crowd with some ladies towards the carriage. He was struck on the back by an egg. As the party got into the carriage, more eggs were thrown. The police surrounded the carriage to protect the occupants. He saw a sheep’s head being passed over the carriage, but he did not see any missiles hit anyone in the carriage. The eggs passed over the ladies’ heads, but one struck the back of the box were Sir George was seated. He had heard the name “Grantley” uttered most by the crowd. Monk identified Henry Woodward and Andrew Kilmister as part of the mob. When the carriage left, it had been followed by the crowd for a few hundred yards, who threw stones and anything else they could find. The crowd dispersed once the carriage had gone.

Captain Kennedy, C.B. (a former governor of Vancouver Island) was another witness. He had been one of Sir George Jenkinson’s party. He had seen stones, eggs, sticks, bones and offal being thrown at the occupants of the carriage. He had caught Lacey with a bag of eggs, and handed him over to the police. Lady Jenkinson and Miss Jenkinson had blood on their faces. The former lady’s face was cut, but the blood on Miss Jenkinson’s face was from being struck by a piece of offal. Kennedy’s wife had been hit by two apples.

Police Constable Gough stated that he had seen Rowland Hill, the boy, pick up the sheep’s head and throw it at the carriage. He also saw William Dean in the crowd, shouting and pushing. Another constable identified Henry Woodward as being the chief culprit. He had seen the other defendants in the crowd, but hadn’t witnessed them doing anything. Woodward had thrown things at the carriages of Sir George Jenkinson and Colonel Somerset.

Having heard all the evidence, the magistrates declared that “a most disgraceful riot” had been committed, and all the defendants except William Dean were committed for trial at the next county Assizes.

After this, Sir George Jenkinson appeared to answer a charge that on the day of the election, he assaulted one Thomas Ward, by striking him with his whip as he drove past him, on his way into Dursley. Sir George was hissed as he entered the courtroom. Ward, described as a labourer and a corporal in the Militia, stated that on 31 July, he was standing at the Kingshill turnpike with others, dressed in yellow, the colour of the Liberal supporters. As Sir George Jenkinson drove his carriage past at a trot, he stood up and brought his whip down on him. He would have been cut across the face if he hadn’t managed to turn his back.

Another witness said that the crowd standing at the turnpike had not been hostile, and only shouted “Yellow forever” as each carriage drove past. There was also a suggestion from Mr Gaisford that Sir George had, in a vulgar gesture, lifted his coat-tails and slapped his “nether-ends” in the direction of the crowd. In his defence, Sir George said that the crowd at the turnpike had rushed his carriage and frightened the horses. He said that Ward had confronted him in an inn at Dursley and demanded money, or else he would accuse him of assault. The bench decided to fine Sir George Jenkinson 40 shillings for assaulting Ward.

The four defendants who were sent for trial on charges of rioting did not have to wait long for their case to be heard, as the Gloucestershire Assizes began soon afterwards.  The charge against them was of riotous assembly and assault against Sir George Jenkinson, Bart, the Hon. Grantley Berkeley, and others. The judge, Mr Shee, in his opening statement, suggested that if the committing magistrates had been afforded more time to reflect, they might have decided that it would have been better to fine the defendants, rather than having them sent for trial at the Assizes.

Opening the prosecution case, it was submitted that the assault on Sir George and his party had been premeditated, because rotten eggs in brown paper bags had been brought in to Dursley from elsewhere. The evidence given at the Dursley Petty Sessions was then repeated. After hearing the case against Rowland Hill (who was about thirteen years old), the prosecution withdrew the charge against him, because he was “only a boy”. The judge said the boy should never have appeared in the dock at all.

Sir George Jenkinson, Lady Jenkinson and their eldest daughter, Miss Emily Frances Jenkinson, all appeared as witnesses.  Lady Jenkinson stated that she had been hit on the temple by a hard green apple, which caused severe bruising. Her daughter Emily had been struck several times by stones and offal, and her little boy had been cut below one of his eyes and was still in bed recovering.

Sir George Jenkinson was given a thorough grilling by the defence counsel, Mr James. He denied having enraged the crowd, said he didn’t recall hitting Ward with his whip, but did admit that he had tried to hit someone else, but had missed. He emphatically denied having lifted up his coat tails and slapped his bottom, in a vulgar gesture. Several Dursley residents appeared to give good character references to the defendants. In his summing up, Mr James castigated Jenkinson, as the prosecutor of the case, for allowing Rowland Hill, a child, to be held in custody for six days and nights before the trial. He also criticised him for taking ladies and children to the election hustings, when he knew such occasions were always rowdy. James was applauded when he sat down.

After consulting together for three minutes, the jury found the remaining defendants not guilty. The trial had lasted nearly five hours.

Detail from An Election Squib

Detail from “An Election Squib” by George Cruickshank, 1841 (www.ancestryimages.com)

 

A note on Sir George Jenkinson

Sir George Samuel Jenkinson was the 11th Baronet of Walcot, Oxfordshire and Hawkesbury, Gloucestershire. He was the son of the Bishop of St David’s and a first cousin once removed of one-time Prime Minister Robert Jenkinson, 2nd Earl of Liverpool. He had succeeded his uncle as Baronet in 1855. He had been the High Sheriff of Gloucestershire in 1862. He unsuccessfully contested the seat for Wiltshire North in 1865 and of Nottingham in 1866. During these election campaigns, he had gained a reputation for being boastful and bumptious, but was said to be popular with landed proprietors and tenant farmers. In 1868, he finally succeeded in becoming a member of parliament,  being elected as the representative for Wiltshire North. He stayed in that  seat until 1880. He died at his home, Eastwood House in Falfield, on 19 January 1892, and was buried in Falfield Parish Church.

Although his behaviour at the Dursley election caused him to be viewed as an arrogant “toff”, his obituary in the Gloucestershire Chronicle on 23 January 1892 showed a different side to his character. On succeeding to the Eastwood Estates, it said, he had built the present church, vicarage and schools in Falfield, almost entirely at his own expense. He was ‘of a most liberal and generous disposition’, and supported all the local institutions, was generous to the poor and was a large employer of local labour, who was ‘widely and deservedly respected’. Perhaps the passing of twenty-five years had mellowed his character.

*I have no idea what this means.

 

Sources

Dictionary of National Biography

Cheltenham Looker-On, 12 Jan 1867

Gloucester Journal, 27 July, 3 August, 10 August, 17 August 1867

Gloucestershire Chronicle, 23 January 1892

© Jill Evans 2017